After queuing eight hours without food and water, Biswas deposited his notes, but managed to withdraw only 2,000 rupees. The banks were fast running out of cash. Shah’s case was given to a third judge, M. B. Gosavi, who after less than a month dismissed all charges, saying that he found “no sufficient ground to proceed.” Subsequent efforts to hold anyone accountable for Sohrabuddin Sheikh’s death came to nothing. As the trial of the remaining defendants approached, ninety-two witnesses turned against the prosecution, with some saying they feared for their lives; the defendants were acquitted. Rajnish Rai, the officer tasked with investigating Shah, was transferred off the case. When he applied for early retirement, he was suspended.By the time the charges were dropped, Modi had installed Shah as president of the B.J.P. and chairman of the governing coalition—effectively making him the country’s second most powerful man.. The muddle Modi made Narendra Modi is damaging India's economy as well as its democracy. The country at last has a leader with the power and the incentives to push through big reforms. But he is.
When Muslims are lynched, Modi typically says nothing, and, since he rarely holds press conferences, he is almost never asked about them. But his supporters often salute the killers. In June, 2017, a Muslim man named Alimuddin Ansari, who was accused of cow trafficking, was beaten to death in the village of Ramgarh. Eleven men, including a local leader of the B.J.P., were convicted of murder, but last July they were freed, pending appeal. On their release, eight of them were met by Jayant Sinha, the B.J.P. Minister for Civil Aviation. Sinha, a Harvard graduate and a former consultant for McKinsey & Company, draped the men in marigold garlands and presented them with sweets. “All I am doing is honoring the due process of law,” he said at the time.Bhojpuri actress Monalisa and husband Vikrant Singh Rajput have been entertaining their fans to the best of their abilities during this lockdown. Modi Denies India Is Targeting Muslims. We Found a Different Reality. By Karan Deep Singh, Emma Cott, Natalie Reneau and Suhasini Raj. “It was strange. There were only people like us in the cash queues. Where were the rich and influential who were supposed to be hoarding cash?” he says. The effort to brand NDTV as unpatriotic has been devastatingly effective. In one November 2016 email, the luxury automaker Daimler told NDTV that it would not proceed with a marketing campaign because “there are people associated with the channel that are linked to anti-India stuff, by the public at large.”
But his visit to Ahmedabad, Modi's home turf, is seen as an important moment for the Indian leader, as the rally may help displace his association with deadly anti-Muslim riots in 2002 that. A more immediate peril into which Modi has gratuitously pushed India is the mounting confrontation with China on the Doklam plateau in Bhutan, adjoining Tibet's Chumbi Valley In some ways, it has been a referendum on the man himself. Many believe he wants to fashion India in his image - forcefully nationalist, socially conservative, openly patriotic. Modi's India by Kenneth Surin. Photograph Source: Subhankar Kenny Sahu - CC BY 2.0. I am in New Delhi, attending a conference. The conference was originally due to take place at the. Modi’s effort to transform his image succeeded in the West, as well. In the United States, newspaper columnists welcomed his emphasis on markets and efficiency. In addition, Modi called on a vast network of Indian-Americans, who cheered his success at putting India on the world stage. The Obama Administration quietly dropped the visa ban. When Modi met Obama, not long after taking office, the two visited the memorial to Martin Luther King, Jr., a man Modi claimed to admire. During his stay, Modi had a dinner meeting with Obama, but he presented White House chefs with a dilemma: he was fasting for Navaratri, a Hindu festival. At the meeting, he consumed only water.
The next morning, we drove to the village of Parigam, near the site of the suicide attack that prompted Modi’s air strikes against Pakistan. We’d heard that Indian security forces had swept through the town and detained several men. The insurgency has broad support in the villages outside the capital, and the road to Parigam was marked by the sandbags and razor wire of Indian Army checkpoints. For most of the way, the roads were otherwise deserted.. I have to keep trying. When you are jobless in India, you are not alone,” says the 22-year-old. Kashmiris greeted Modi’s decision with protests, claiming that his real goal was to inundate the state with Hindu settlers. After the initial tumult subsided, though, the Times of India and other major newspapers began claiming that a majority of Kashmiris quietly supported Modi—they were just too frightened of militants to say so aloud. Television reporters, newly arrived from Delhi, set up cameras on the picturesque shoreline of Dal Lake and dutifully repeated the government’s line.[Mapping the Coronavirus Outbreak: Get daily updates on the pandemic and learn how it’s affecting countries around the world.]
On 9 November 2016, the Government of India announced the demonetization of all ₹500 and ₹1,000 banknotes of the Mahatma Gandhi Series.It also announced the issuance of new ₹500 and ₹2,000 banknotes in exchange for the demonetised banknotes. The Prime minister of India Narendra Modi claimed that the action would curtail the shadow economy and reduce the use of illicit and counterfeit. G. C. Raigar, a senior police official, told Ayyub that the initial plan was to allow the Hindus to take limited revenge for the attack. But, he said, the violence spread so quickly that Modi’s government could no longer stop it: “They didn’t want to use force against the rioters—which is why things went out of control.”
As the riots festered, Ayyub, who was then nineteen, decided to help. After telling her mother that she was going trekking with a friend in the Himalayas, she put herself on a train to the Gujarati city of Vadodara. Because the unrest was still flaring, she disguised herself with a bright-red bindi—the dot of paint that Hindu women wear on their forehead. Narendra Modi, Indian politician who led the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to victory in the 2014 elections for the Lok Sabha, after which he was sworn in as prime minister of India. Prior to that he had served (2001-14) as chief minister of Gujarat state in western India Just Climate Action India @ cop21 . An Initiative of Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Chang
Modi seeks 'forgiveness' from India's poor over COVID-19 lockdown. Modi apologises as 21-day lockdown stings millions, leaving the poor hungry and forcing migrant workers to flee cities Ayyub was convinced that Tejpal had succumbed to pressure from the B.J.P. “He caved in,” she told me. “I was inside Modi’s and Shah’s inner circle, as close as you could get.” (Tejpal denied this, and other editors spoke in support of him.)We rode in silence for a while. I suggested that maybe it was time for her to leave India—that Muslims didn’t have a future there. But Ayyub was going through a notebook. “I’m not leaving,” she said. “I have to stay. I’m going to write all this down and tell everyone what happened.” ♦
While the train sat at the station, Hindu travellers and Muslims on the platform began to heckle one another. As the train pulled away, it stalled, and the taunting escalated. At some point, someone—possibly a Muslim vender with a stove—threw something on fire into one of the cars. The flame spread, and the passengers were trapped inside; when the door was finally pushed open, the rush of oxygen sparked a fireball. Some fifty-eight people suffocated or burned to death. As word of the disaster spread, the state government allowed members of the V.H.P. to parade the burned corpses through Ahmedabad, the state’s largest city. Hindus, enraged by the display, began rampaging and attacking Muslims across the state.Sign up for Foreign Policy’s latest pop-up newsletter, While You Weren’t Looking, for a weekly update on the world beyond the coronavirus pandemic. Delivered Friday.. PM Modi will later in the day chair a high-level meeting to review the situation arising out of cyclone 'Amphan'.The coronavirus has struck India at a time when social cohesion is at its weakest in decades. The reservoirs of inner strength societies draw from in times of crisis were depleted in India on surviving the crises engineered gratuitously by Modi over the past six years. India’s minorities, especially its Muslim community, have every reason to look askance at a sectarian establishment that has sought to portray them as a fifth column and pushed legislation they fear could render them stateless. The civic conditions necessary to mount a public-spirited campaign have been shredded by the exclusionary policies pursued by Modi’s Hindu-first Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).The coronavirus has struck India at a time when social cohesion is at its weakest in decades.In 2013, when another reporter asked if he felt sorry about the deaths of so many Muslims, he suggested that he had been a helpless bystander. “If someone else is driving a car and we’re sitting behind—even then, if a puppy comes under the wheel, will it be painful?” Modi said. “Of course it is.”
Armed with diplomas in engineering, the three men have sat exams for more than two-dozen jobs in the past year. Narendra Modi News - Get latest updates on PM Narendra Modi, Modi speech, Modi Mann ki baat. Check live updates, photos & videos of Narendra Modi on Times of India
Last August, Pawan Kumar Jaiswal, a part-time journalist who also ran a tiny mobile phone accessories shop, broke a story revealing how poor children in a school near Varanasi, Mr. Modi’s parliamentary constituency, were being fed only flatbread and salt for lunch — a clear violation of government nutrition rules. Once again India will have a Modi sarkar (government). Modi is a preternaturally confident politician. Although his powerful aide Amit Shah has stitched up some smart alliances, he has made. A man was said to have walked into a mobile phone store near Delhi with three million rupees in expired cash, offering to buy its entire stock of iPhones. As he drifted in and out of consciousness before haemorrhaging to death, Pehlu Khan named six men as his attackers.
Modi himself has condemned such attacks, and accused vigilante groups of being “anti-social” groups masquerading as cow protectors. India’s female journalists are often subjected to an especially ugly form of abuse. The threats that Ayyub received were nearly identical to those sent to Gauri Lankesh, a journalist and book publisher from the southern state of Karnataka. Like Ayyub, Lankesh had reported aggressively on Hindu nationalism and on violence against women and lower-caste people. She had also published Ayyub’s book in Kannada, the predominant language in the state. “We were like sisters,” Ayyub told me. In September, 2017, after Lankesh endured a prolonged campaign of online attacks, two men shot her dead outside her home and fled on a motorbike.For many, Modi’s reëlection suggested that he had uncovered a terrible secret at the heart of Indian society: by deploying vicious sectarian rhetoric, the country’s leader could persuade Hindus to give him nearly unchecked power. In the following months, Modi’s government introduced a series of extraordinary initiatives meant to solidify Hindu dominance. The most notable of them, along with revoking the special status of Kashmir, was a measure designed to strip citizenship from as many as two million residents of the state of Assam, many of whom had crossed the border from the Muslim nation of Bangladesh decades before. In September, the government began constructing detention centers for residents who had become illegal overnight.
A plot of government land is the venue of Modi’s inaugural campaign meeting in the northern Indian city of Meerut. His supporters see him as a hard-working, no-nonsense doer who does not “pamper the minorities”, alluding mainly to India’s 170 million Muslims. As Modi began his run for Prime Minister, in the fall of 2013, he sold himself not as a crusading nationalist but as a master manager, the visionary who had presided over an economic boom in Gujarat. His campaign’s slogan was “The good days are coming.” A close look at the data showed that Gujarat’s economy had grown no faster under his administration than under previous ones—the accelerated growth was “a fantastically crafted fiction,” according to Prasad, the former editor. Even so, many of India’s largest businesses flooded his campaign with contributions.
During his time as head of the Gujarat government, Modi established a formidable reputation as an able administrator, and he was given credit for the rapid growth of the state’s economy. In addition, his and the party’s electoral performances helped advance Modi’s position as not only the most-influential leader within the party but also a potential candidate for prime minister of India. In June 2013 Modi was chosen the leader of the BJP’s campaign for the 2014 elections to the Lok Sabha.In Jaipur, I met Ashok Singh, the head of the Rajasthan chapter of Bajrang Dal. Singh told me that he and his men were duty-bound to defend cows from an epidemic of theft and killing. For several minutes, he spoke about the holiness of the cow. Each animal, he said, contains three hundred and sixty million gods, and even its dung has elixirs beneficial to humans. “They cut them, they kill them,” Singh said of Muslims. “It’s a conspiracy.” He admitted that Bajrang Dal members had taken part in stopping Khan, but he insisted that other people had committed the murder. “There was a mob,” he said. “We didn’t have control of it.”. Under Modi, private investment has slowed down and growth has sputtered, further hurting job creation. PM Narendra Modi on Sunday said measures and reforms announced by the finance minister would boost entrepreneurship, help public sector units and revitalise village economy besides having a transformative impact on the country’s health and education sectors. “They will boost entrepreneurship, help public sector units and revitalise village economy," PM Modi tweeted.
In April, 2018, Ayyub was sitting with a friend in a Delhi restaurant when a source alerted her to a video that was appearing in online chat groups maintained by B.J.P. supporters. He sent her the clip, and she pressed Play. What appeared on her screen was a pornographic video purporting to show Ayyub engaging in various sex acts. “I burst into tears and threw up,” she said. PM Modi tries his hand at music... - Duration: 52 seconds. When an artist presented PM a map of India at Hunar Haat... - Duration: 41 seconds. Watch this video to find out how Modi Govt is. The B.J.P. won a plurality of the popular vote, placing Modi at the head of a governing coalition. As Prime Minister, he surprised many Indians by challenging people to confront problems that had gone unaddressed. One was public defecation, a major cause of disease throughout India. At an early speech in Delhi, he announced a nationwide program to build public toilets in every school—a prosaic improvement that gratified many Indians, even those who could afford indoor plumbing. Modi also addressed a series of widely publicized gang rapes by speaking in bracingly modern terms. “Parents ask their daughters hundreds of questions,” he said. “But have any dared to ask their sons where they are going?” Modi says the lockdown is necessary to avert a humanitarian calamity in India, where healthcare has long been weak and millions live in crowded, unsanitary conditions For Modi, the riots had a remarkable effect. The U.S. and the United Kingdom banned him for nearly a decade, and he was shunned by senior leaders of his party. (In 2004, the B.J.P. Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, was voted out. He blamed Modi for the loss.)
His decisiveness appears to have yielded some success: As of April 10, there were 6,039 active cases of COVID-19 and 206 fatalities. (Although since there is no mass testing—fewer than 43,000 samples were tested by the end of March—and because the symptoms of the disease are not often apparent, there may be many more unreported cases.) This success, however, is braided together with a great deal of misery that could, with some preparation, have been mitigated—if not averted altogether. The sudden exodus of millions of Indians eking out an existence in the cities to distant villages across India bespeaks the malign incompetence of a prime minister who, despite being in command of enormous resources, squandered crucial weeks.Using the records, Ayyub showed that Shah and the three officers suspected of murdering Sheikh’s associate had been in extensive contact, before and after the killing. Her reporting also offered an explanation of Shah’s motive: a police official told her that the murdered criminals “knew something that could have been damning for the minister.” 41.1m Followers, 0 Following, 397 Posts - See Instagram photos and videos from Narendra Modi (@narendramodi Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India's popular nationalist leader, won a sweeping mandate for a second five-year term, setting the stage for further economic change but also more divisive social.
The clip went viral, making its way from WhatsApp to Facebook to Twitter, retweeted and shared countless times. Ayyub was inundated with angry messages, often with the video attached. “Hello bitch,” a man named Himanshu Verma wrote in a direct message on Facebook. “Plz suck my penis too.”Human Rights Watch says at least 44 people – 36 of them Muslims – have been killed in vigilante incidents since 2015. Hundreds more have been injured. Coronavirus in India Latest Updates. Modi says social distancing is most effective to stop COVID-19. Detailing the efforts taken to curb the spread of the novel coronavirus across the world, Modi said that the precaution of social distancing is a tried and tested way of succeeding in curbing the pandemic Deonar is an impoverished neighborhood of fetid sewers and tin shacks. The Ayyubs, accustomed to a middle-class existence, found their lives transformed. “We were living in a very small place, very dirty, on a very crowded and dirty street,” Rana said. Mumbai had been transformed, too. When she enrolled in a predominantly Hindu school nearby, her classmates called her landya, an anti-Muslim slur. “That is the first time I ever really thought about my identity,” she said. “Our entire neighborhood—our friends—were going to kill us.”
The streets are awash with saffron, the BJP’s signature colour. Motorcycle outriders wearing saffron turbans, scarves, caps and bandanas, lead the way. A flatbed truck with a smiling DJ plays upbeat music. Firecrackers burst. On February 26th, Modi ordered air strikes against what he claimed was a training camp for militants in the town of Balakot. Sympathetic outlets described a momentous victory: they pumped out images of a devastated landscape, and, citing official sources, claimed that three hundred militants had been killed. But Western reporters visiting the site found no evidence of any deaths; there were only a handful of craters, a slightly damaged house, and some fallen trees. Many of the pro-Modi posts turned out to be crude fabrications. Pratik Sinha, of Alt News, pointed out that photos claiming to depict dead Pakistani militants actually showed victims of a heat wave; other images, ostensibly of the strikes, were cribbed from a video game called Arma 2.
A year after Zelensky’s election, mixed messaging on the country’s relationships with Russia and Europe is raising eyebrows internationally. Five months after the attack, charges against the six accused men were dropped by Rajasthan police. An independent report later accused state authorities of working to “diminish the enormity of the crime”.
India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi greets the couple at the airport in western India. Trump's visit follows Modi's visit in September to the U.S., where the two leaders walked beside each. At Fehmeeda’s house, her friends had gathered around her, while men from the neighborhood stood outside open windows. Ayyub sat facing her, their knees touching. As Fehmeeda spoke, some of the men talked over her, and each time Ayyub told them to shut up: “Don’t scold her, Uncle, she has problems of her own.” Rajasthan is an internationally feted tourist destination. It evokes images of gorgeous forts, colourful bazaars, art deco hotels and camel rides in stark deserts.
Intolerant India Narendra Modi stokes divisions in the world's biggest democracy. India's 200m Muslims fear the prime minister is building a Hindu stat The Indian political commentator, who met with Modi during his first term, told me that in person he was intense and inquisitive but not restless; he joked about the monkeys that were marauding his garden, and happily discussed the arcana of projects that were occupying his attention. The main one was water: India’s groundwater reserves were declining quickly (they’ve gone down by sixty-one per cent in the past decade), and Modi was trying to prepare for a future in which the country could run dry. During the meeting, he also displayed a detailed list of nations that were in need of various professionals—lawyers, engineers, doctors—of the very kind that India, with its huge population of graduates, could provide. “He is smart, extremely focussed,” the commentator said. “And, yes, a bit puritanical.”
Modi is a preternaturally confident politician. Although his powerful aide Amit Shah has stitched up some smart alliances, he has made 2019 a verdict on his performance. The men finished in a semicircle on the ground, offering prayers to the Hindu sun god: “O Surya, the shining one, the radiant one, dispeller of darkness, source of life.” They ended by shouting, “Victory to India!”Skip to contentSkip to site indexnew video loaded: Modi Denies India Is Targeting Muslims. We Found a Different Reality.
His source at the school was promptly arrested. Fearing he was next, Mr. Jaiswal fled to New Delhi, where he hid for several weeks.That year, Karan Thapar, the journalist who had asked Modi whether he wanted to express remorse for the Gujarat riots, found that no one from the B.J.P. would appear on his nightly show any longer. Thapar, perhaps the country’s most prominent television journalist, was suddenly unable to meaningfully cover politics. Then he discovered that Modi’s Cabinet members were pushing his bosses to take him off the air. “They make you toxic,” Thapar told me. “These are not things that are put in writing. They’re conversations—‘We think it’s not a good idea to have him around.’ ” (His network, India Today, denies being influenced by “external pressures.”) In 2017, his employers expressed reluctance to renew his contract, so he left the network.The destruction of the mosque incited Hindu-Muslim riots across the country, with the biggest and bloodiest of them in Mumbai. At first, Ayyub’s family felt safe; they were surrounded by friends. But, after several days of mayhem, a Sikh friend, whom the family called Uncle Bagga, came to tell Waquif that a group of neighborhood men were coming for his daughters. Waquif was frightened; Rana, who was then nine years old, had been stricken by polio and, though she was largely recovered, the illness had weakened the left side of her body. That night, she and her older sister Iffat fled with Bagga. They stayed with some relatives of his for three months, before the family reunited in Deonar, a Muslim ghetto a few miles away. “I felt helpless,” Rana told me. “We were like toys, moved from one place to another by someone else.”Neha Dixit, who has done groundbreaking reporting on the B.J.P., told me that she receives death threats and sexual insults constantly: “Every day, I get three hundred notifications, with dick pics, and with conversations about how they should rape me with a steel rod or a rose thornbush or something like that.” For Dixit and other targets of these campaigns, it is especially galling that the abuse is apparently endorsed by prominent Modi allies. Ayyub showed me a tweet about the porn video from Vaibhav Aggarwal, a media personality who often speaks on behalf of the B.J.P. It read, “U want to dance in the Rain, get all wet & not want to then have pneumonia”—a suggestion that she deserved whatever abuse she got. In June, the fake Ayyub quote about child rape was retweeted by a prominent B.J.P. member named Ashoke Pandit. The quote, which originated in English, was translated into Hindi on a Facebook page for the so-called Army of Yogi Adityanath—admirers of the B.J.P.’s Chief Minister in the state of Uttar Pradesh. Modi announced a three week-lockdown on Tuesday to curb the spread of coronavirus. But the decision has stung millions of India's poor, leaving many hungry and forcing jobless migrant laborers to.
One of Modi’s own economic advisers called demonetisation a “massive, draconian, monetary shock”. The US-based National Bureau of Economic Research found it had lowered economic growth by at least two percentage points in the last quarter of 2016. Like other populist leaders, Mr. Modi and his ministers bristle at any public criticism, whether from business executives, foreign leaders, or even schoolchildren.Eventually, a Supreme Court investigative team declared that there was not enough evidence to charge Modi in the riots—a finding that human-rights groups dismissed as politically motivated. A few persistent advocates tried to keep the issue alive. In 2007, when Modi appeared on the Indian network CNN-IBN, the journalist Karan Thapar asked him, “Why can’t you say that you regret the killings?” PM Narendra Modi address to nation on coronavirus today LIVE news updates, PM Modi speech live today, Coronavirus in India Latest updates: His second address comes as India has witnessed a spurt in the number of COVID-19 cases in the past few days, crossing 500, including 10 deaths
President Trump's meeting with Narendra Modi will be aimed at strengthening the U.S.-India strategic partnership, the White House said The business model in India doesn’t help. Well before Mr. Modi first became prime minister in 2014, newspapers and television stations have relied on government advertising, allowing politicians to reward friendly outlets and punish critics.
The shutdown of Media One and another Kerala television station, Asianet News, in March was a new twist. Both stations broadcast in Malayalam, a local language spoken by less than 3 percent of Indians. And both channels had aired witness accounts that echoed what many other outlets aired during the violence in Delhi: that the police had done little to stop Hindu mobs as they rampaged against Muslims. The Modi era coincided with an exponential rise in the use of social media in India, a medium that this government exploited to the hilt to target critics, mobilise public opinion, and use tags. Biswas queued all day without success. The next day he tried another bank where he had a separate savings account, but the queue was even longer. Within a few weeks of Shah’s arrest, Ayyub hit on an idea for a new article: “If I can go after Shah, why not Modi?” She told her editors at Tehelka that she suspected Modi of far graver crimes than previously reported. If she went undercover, she argued, she could insinuate herself into his inner circle and learn the truth.Modi was helped by an overwhelming public perception that the Congress Party, which had been in power for most of the past half century, had grown arrogant and corrupt. Its complacency was personified by the Gandhi family, whose members dominated the Party but appeared diffident and out of touch. Rahul Gandhi, the head of the Party (and Nehru’s great-grandson), was dubbed the “reluctant prince” by the Indian media.
Narendra Modi is the current Prime Minister of India. He is also the first non-Congress Prime Minister to have returned to power with a landslide victory in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. He was. The R.S.S.’s original base was higher-caste men, but, in order to grow, it had to widen its membership. Among the lower-caste recruits was an eight-year-old named Narendra Modi, from Vadnagar, a town in the state of Gujarat. Modi belonged to the low-ranking Ghanchi caste, whose members traditionally sell vegetable oil; Modi’s father ran a small tea shop near the train station, where his young son helped. When Modi was thirteen, his parents arranged for him to marry a local girl, but they cohabited only briefly, and he did not publicly acknowledge the relationship for many years. Modi soon left the marriage entirely and dedicated himself to the R.S.S. As a pracharak—the group’s term for its young, chaste foot soldiers—Modi started by cleaning the living quarters of senior members, but he rose quickly. In 1987, he moved to the R.S.S.’s political branch, the Bharatiya Janata Party, or B.J.P.
Afterward, the men—who included an engineer, a lawyer, a garment merchant, and a police officer—laughed and clapped one another on the back. Together they made up the Paldi chapter of the R.S.S., one of more than thirty thousand across India. Paldi is an overwhelmingly Hindu neighborhood, but the nearest Muslim enclave, which came under attack in 2002, is less than a mile away. On this morning, there wasn’t much talk of politics. “I’m just here to stay fit,” Nehal Burasin, a student, told me.Some of the officials spoke of the killings in a remarkably casual way, as if the Muslims had deserved to be murdered. “There were riots in ’85, ’87, ’89, ’92, and most of the times the Hindus got a beating—and the Muslims got an upper hand,” P. C. Pande, Ahmedabad’s former police commissioner, said. “So this time, in 2002, it had to happen, it was the retaliation of Hindus.”During the telephonic conversation with Banerjee, Shah took stock of the situation in West Bengal, where the cyclone is expected to make landfall on Wednesday.
In addition, Modi called on a vast network of Indian-Americans, who cheered his success at putting India on the world stage. The Obama Administration quietly dropped the visa ban. When Modi met. Finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman said on Sunday the government consciously preferred a route aimed at empowering people rather than doling out cash because it felt that it was better suited to deal with the emergency that the Covid-19 pandemic had triggered. MUMBAI — Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said on Tuesday the government would impose a nationwide lockdown from midnight for 21 days to stem the spread of the coronavirus
The key to understanding modern India, Trivedi told me, was accepting that “Hinduism is not basically a religion—it is a way of life.” Anyone born in India is part of Hinduism. Therefore, all the other religions found in India thrive because of Hinduism, and are subordinate to it. “The culture of Islam is preserved here because of Hindu civilization,” he said.To date, Ayyub says, “Gujarat Files” has sold six hundred thousand copies and been translated into thirteen languages. Ayyub has been invited to speak at the United Nations and at journalism conferences around the world. “What makes it compelling is knowing that these are the biggest players in what happened,” Hartosh Singh Bal, the political editor of The Caravan, told me. “They are speaking in unguarded moments, and they are confirming and adding to the knowledge of what we have already from every other source so far. But never from this much on the inside. And suddenly we put a speaker right in the heart of the room with the people who know everything.” For a populist Hindu nationalist like Modi, the people are India's 80 percent Hindu majority, while the other is the [roughly 180 million-strong] Muslim community, along with the secular Congress party and the Gandhi political dynasty, which has ostensibly appeased the Muslim minority at the expense of core Hindu values
The Union health ministry on Sunday listed parameters such as active Covid-19 cases, doubling and fatality rates and cases per lakh population, for states and union territories to follow while categorising areas into red, orange or green zones. It also issued guidelines for delineation of containment and buffer zones and outlined actions that have to be implemented in those areas .Initially, the reaction to Ayyub’s book was muted. There was a reception in New Delhi, attended by most of the country’s major political writers and editors—but Ayyub couldn’t find a word about it in any paper the next day. Newspapers were slow to review the book. But it took off on its own, especially on Amazon, helped by Ayyub’s reputation as a journalist. The release of a Hindi edition, in 2017, opened up a huge potential audience."PM Narendra Modi's flagship programme to ensure health for all, Ayushman Bharat, has crossed 1 crore beneficiaries in less than two years.
PM Narendra Modi, while addressing party workers on the BJP's 40th Foundation Day, (PTI) 'India will fight, India will win': PM Modi lauds film fraternity initiativ A Reporter at LargeDecember 9, 2019 IssueBlood and Soil in Narendra Modi’s IndiaThe Prime Minister’s Hindu-nationalist government has cast two hundred million Muslims as internal enemies.
For the first time in years, the government of India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi is playing defense. Protests have sprung up across the country against an amendment to India's laws. The 16th Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to a historic win in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. A Chief Minister for 12 years, Modi got his first exposure to politics when he became a member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and then moved onto becoming the protege of LK Advani The apologetic calls from advertisers have become so common that NDTV executives are no longer surprised.
“Modi is more popular than the BJP here. He’s a phenomenon. He was Gujarat’s most successful chief minister, and now he’s India’s tallest leader. Gujaratis are proud of him,” says a senior BJP official. India; Governance; This is the team advising PM Modi in India's battle against coronavirus Over 30 doctors & scientists are part of Modi's team, divided into 2 groups. Niti Aayog member V.K. Paul and PSA to PM K. VijayRaghavan are leading them Modi, as the head of the party, is India's prime minister. He has long been a Hindu nationalist and spent much of his first five-year term in power pushing policies favorable to that cause As a teenager he was married in a traditional ceremony - a fact only confirmed in 2014 when he filed his election nomination papers. He lived with his wife, Jashodaben, for just three years.